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Dawn raids, detention and deportation: the new Australian dream.

It’s hard to soften and cool the little hot knot of rage that has been living in my chest for the past few days. As a child of a trans-Tasman whānau I, or any member of my family could have been caught up in the new harsh visa rules that are now likely to see Australia corral and deport up to 5000 New Zealanders if not more back to this country. Young people who have never truly known any life other than an Australian life, who have made some significant but not necessarily irreparable mistakes, are killing themselves, or trying to kill themselves, to avoid being detained and deported to a strange land where nothing makes sense anymore. That’s what you do when you lose hope, and lose the meaningful connections that hold people, and their mental health, together.

It’s easy enough to take the once-over-lightly view (and I have plenty of Aussie whānau likely to take this tack too)..these current and present deportees have committed crimes, and have been sentenced to be detained for at least a year at Her Majesty’s pleasure. And yes, I can see, in some of these cases, that deportation is at least justifiable, even if not just or fair in the overall context of the Australia/New Zealand relationship. Those who have committed serious crimes, spent years inside, proved more than a passing irritation to Australian society. Sure, I get that. New Zealand has sentenced Mandeep Singh to 12 years imprisonment for murder of his wife Parmita Rani. At the conclusion of his sentence he will be deported back to his home country. Fine by me. Sometimes your own actions can revoke your right to be in a country not originally your own.

There will be several, maybe even scores or hundreds of New Zealanders like Mandeep Singh. We created those people, we raised them, they are our problems, and maybe even our monsters. Send them back here, and let’s suck it up.

But the tightening of the visa rules under the Migration Act 1958 late last year have introduced changes that, at first glance, probably look minor, but are clearly having major effects on people that are to all intents and purposes Australian-made.

Lowered Threshold

So to clarify exactly what the problem is, and what the law now says: at issue is whether the person with the visa has breached the character test requirements of the visa.  It is now deemed to be a ‘breach of character’ to have a ‘substantial criminal record’. Here’s what the changes mean:

  • Prior to December last year, a ‘substantial criminal record’ meant being sentenced to at least 2 years in jail. That limit is now 12 months (and note: sentenced not served)
  • Further: no account is taken of cumulative sentences. If you have been sentenced to 2 x 6 month sentences to be served concurrently, that now counts as 12 months (prior to December last year, it would have counted for 6 months total.
  • A suspended sentence of twelve months also counts.

This lowering of the threshold is a widening of the net. Here’s the thing. I know people in my own family who have driven while disqualified. I’m not sure if they know, but the penalty for a first offence is often up to 6 months imprisonment (varying by state). Subsequent offences might carry up to two years. So, having lived in Australia for all your remembered life, be bloody stupid 10 years ago and having racked up a couple of DWD offences, maybe an EBA, get sentenced 6 months on 2 cumulative sentences, serve two..and BOOM. You can now expect a knock at your door at 3.30am in the morning. A pre-“dawn raid”, then.  Say goodbye to the kids. And your husband, and your job and everything you’ve ever known of the life you now live. Sound extreme? OK, make it petty theft then.

Gee, that’s fair.

And what gets me is how this disproportionately affects New Zealanders. There has been an unexpected surge in numbers since December of NZers having their visas cancelled, and now NZers are 2nd largest group in detention in Australia behind Iranians. Let me take a moment there…Shet. DETENTION. I never imagined I’d be writing about NZers in Australian detention camps. It had quite literally never occurred to me. And I get too, that NZers are not the only ones to be suffering now at the hands of Australian authorities; the plight of detainees on Nauru is not any less shocking. This is not an appeal to difference on NZers being somehow better than or more worthy of compassion than other groups. But the position of New Zealanders is quantifiably different in ways that makes this whole situation feel like a betrayal.

Disproportionate effect on whānau

Why does this development disproportionately affect New Zealanders? Well, other than the sheer numbers of New Zealanders in Australia at any given time, New Zealanders and Māori New Zealanders are not that likely to take out Australian citizenship. My father, who lived in Australia from 1970 until his death a couple of years back never did. Neither have most of the rest of my family. They have no intention of ever living in NZ, they are Australian, either by birth or by choice and by sheer weight of years and culture, but their connection to our whakapapa may be what keeps them from seeking citizenship, some loyalty to the idea of the whenua, even is only in the abstract.

In 1973 our two prime-ministers concluded a handshake deal that led to the Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement..not a creature of statute, not an “international treaty”, but an understanding about the special relationship the two countries have shared for many decades. It is directly as a result of that relationship New Zealanders are less likely than any other immigrant group to take up citizenship. And now, more likely than almost all other groups to suffer detention. Talk about a set up.

And more…Māori are even less likely to take up Australian citizenship, for a host of reasons, and Māori are, as Paul Hamer says, at greater consequential risk of disenfranchisement within Australia than just about any other group. They are less likely to have resident visas, less likely to have the right combination of skills required for them to become permanent visa holders, therefore there is no path to citizenship, no social security support if it all goes pear-shaped, and their kids in turn, are also less likely to become citizens, and, maybe (as a result of that fragility and disengagement) at higher risk of committing low level crime, you know, the kind that gets you cumulative sentences of three or six months..

So it seems to me that our Mozzie whānau are more likely, as a consequence of all these factors coalescing into a grim pathway, to get that 3.30am knock. Time will tell if this is right.

So my whānau may be at higher risk of suffering for past bad decisions than other families might be, and not because they have acted so much worse than other people, but because of their deteriorating status, that they may not even be aware of.

Social Covenant?

There are hundreds of thousands of New Zealanders in Australia making that country a better place. What the hell are they now? Vermin to be quarantined and eradicated to score political points? I know that when we talk about the social contract we usually mean the contract between a state and its citizens. I think there has been a kind of social contract or covenant between Australia and New Zealand by virtue of custom. At some point, New Zealanders form some kind of agreement with the Australian state to form the society in which they live just like other Australians do; they become so ingrained into the Australian way of life, directly because of the existence of this historical relationship, that there is some kind of obligation on the Australian state not to impose a disproportionate burden on those people because of their lack of an Aussie passport. New Zealanders can live all their lives in Australia, growing up as Australians and make the same kinds of mistakes that other Australians make, for which they pay in the Australian criminal justice system which their taxes maintain. Fair dos. Why are they being punished again for a status they likely could not help in the first place? Sure the imprisonment is the entry level qualification, but make no mistake, this is an issue of status, and discrimination on the grounds of that status.

For goodness sake, Australia. Treat your Australian-raised New Zealand-born Australians like other bloody Australians.

Māori in Australia: standing whose ground?

If you are reading this on Friday morning (22 May 2014) Ngāti Toa, Porirua City Council and Blacktown City Council and the local Blacktown community will be celebrating the erection of two pou in the New Zealand South Pacific Garden in the Nurragingy Reserve, in Blacktown, west of Sydney, on land that is part of the Darug people’s heritage.

This news caught my attention because my father and most of my Aussie whānau lived in Blacktown until very recently so I have spent a bit of time there, conscious of the lack of physical reminders of the local people in the Blacktown cityscape. This is a town originally named for the old Native Institute, the settlement that grew up around it, and the road leading to it (“the Blacks’ Town” becoming known as “Blacktown” by the 1860s). In the years I visited Blacktown I was always struck by the prominence of the Blacktown Workers Club sign being (it seemed to my ignorant eyes) the most obvious allusion to any indigenous history of the area in an area with the largest concentrated Aboriginal population anywhere in New South Wales. And yes, apparently there is a vibrant arts, culture, and heritage scene in Blacktown, just not much civic visibility of the Aboriginal heritage. At all.


Of course, quite apart from the Ngāti Toa/Porirua City Council initiative, there have been political infighting and funding scraps over the public installation of a sculpture of Nurrngingy himself (a Darug elder who received one of the first land grants to Aboriginal individuals in Australia, from Governor Macquarie in 1816). The sculpture languishes, waiting for $80,000 needed for bronze casting that Blacktown doesn’t want to pay for. (

This sculpture was made by a Hungarian sculptor and so doubtless there may be ambivalence from local Aboriginal people as to the priority to be put upon funding it, but in the relative absence of civic recognition of Aboriginal heritage, the fact that Māori culture and heritage gets civic engagement and civic involvement from two city councils is interesting.

The road to that engagement has not been entirely smooth. You might recall the trans-Tasman stoush that happened over the original plan to have these pou erected at the gateway to the Reserve. A Darug elder Sandra Lee left us in no doubt as to her opinion on the proposed erection:

“Would the Maoris like me to go over to New Zealand and hang ring-tail possums all over the place? Or kangaroos? No they wouldn’t, I know they wouldn’t, so why are they doing it to us?” she said

Ms Lee said situating the poles at the front gate would diminish the Aboriginal symbolism of Nurragingy and continue the ongoing genocide of her people.

“I’ll stand there and I’ll burn them down if I have to,” she said. “They can put them anywhere inside, no worries – but not at the gate.”


Māori leaders, including Taku Pārai from Ngāti Toa, upon learning of the objections, called for consultation to be carried out before endorsing the installation, and now the matters apparently have been resolved. I don’t wish to decry the installation of these pou. It’s a wonderful thing I’m sure, for Ngāti Toa and the Porirua District Council to see these pou erected within the Nurragingy Reserve, in partnership with the Blacktown City Council to commemorate 30 years of the sister-city relationship. This will clearly be something to celebrate.

Māori wardens will be involved, as will representatives of the local community, and I hope, the Darug people. The event though raises a few broader questions.

The Māori presence in Australia in truly impressive, and just a little bit mind-boggling. Ever increasing numbers of Māori now live across the Tasman, as at the last Australian census, 128,434 at least (not counting the many Māori who don’t report their ethnicity in census date). For more info see Paul Hamer’s fascinating updated research on the Māori population in Australia ( Obviously there is a migration of Māori ideas as well as people to our West Island, and this is hardly a new thing. But with an estimated 1 in 6 Māori now living in Australia there are obviously long term implications for the growth and evolution of the ways of being Māori. For one thing, there is a growing number of competent reo speakers who have now taken their language skills across the Tasman. There are now fantastic Waitangi Day celebrations. There are growing numbers of Māori organisations (Māori Wardens, kapa haka teams, Māori radio shows on Radio Koori just to name a few) and the establishment of permanent marae is not far away, judging by current initiatives in Melbourne ( and Sydney ( at least.

Part of me wonders whether there may be a cost to Aboriginal peoples at some point of this Māori cultural burgeoning. Sure there have been some perhaps unsurprising accounts of ethnic tensions between Māori and Aboriginal populations in recent years ( I know of several Māori who have headed to Australia to work with Aboriginal communities at least partly on the basis of a shared indigenous experience of colonisation. I’m also interested in the extent to which Māori may, by the establishment of Mārae and pou in the indigenous soil of Australia, end up claiming a portion of Australian civic identity. By this I mean that Māori seeking to create spaces of belonging that are not only private spaces, but also form part of the civic, public narrative. The new pou definitely provide a way of creating a public Māori presence and the planned marae, no matter how they are funded, will be, to some degree, public entities, with a visual imprint upon the civic landscape. I’m not for a moment seeking to dissuade Māori from creating and establishing marae in Australia. And it is hardly a new thing for migrant communities in Australia to create spaces within which to celebrate their own culture. Māori cultural spaces will barely raise a ripple, I’m sure. I just hope that those developments are carried out with consideration and consultation with the local Aboriginal peoples. If it is right to value the freedom of a people to decide to create/affirm civic identity and civic space, that freedom ought to belong first and foremost to Aboriginal voices and Aboriginal stories. I just hope we remember this truth in our understandable rush to create our own whānau ora narrative in Australia.

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